Insight Myanmar

Episode #153: Rahel and Damon Lam founded A Cup of Color in 2014. It is an organization with the goal of “bringing art to places where there is brokenness.” They have created art in public spaces in many places in Asia, and recently they carried out a project in Zurich, where they live, about the suffering in Myanmar.Their involvement was precipitated by a request to them from Raise Three Fingers, an artistic collective resisting the coup. After getting city approval for a large mural, they then went about soliciting Burmese around the world about the messages and images they might want to express. In the end, they designed a mural whose central image features “a woman holding up the three fingers, and it's a woman who is mourning for her family member who got killed.” Calling the finished piece “Tears Matter,” the woman is surrounded numerous words and other images, which came from the many submissions that were sent in from around the world.Besides the work’s obvious message, they set out to capture a sense of common humanity, represent a sense of perseverance and encouragement, with the hope that the piece would move people to start paying more attention to the situation in Myanmar.“[Burmese in the diaspora] are really not suffering loudly, but they're very silently suffering…[and it] is very, very deep,” says Rahel. “Myanmar people can make jokes about the darker things. That's kind of a way they survive, which helps you to be with them in the really difficult times. But seeing their silent tears, it's very heavy.”

Episode #152: Kristina Simion’s book, Rule of Law Intermediaries, looks at the complex transition period of the 2010s in Myanmar, when dramatic changes were sweeping across the country. Simion notes how even though real substantive change actually didn’t take place, there remained a sense of optimism that finally there would be some pathway leading out from under the military’s half century of oppression.Simion weaves her narrative primarily through the perspective of the “rule of law.” While development actors usually see transformational rule of law policies as way to help create a more equitable society, many Burmese actually felt quite differently. They were generally suspicious after decades of oppressive military rule, when “the law was always seen as a tool from the rulers to oppress the population.” Ironically, military figures delighted in the concept, which they took to mean “law and order,” and which they appropriated to justify their stranglehold on individual freedoms and liberties.In trying to better understand the exploitative nature of military rule, Simion examines the system they inherited from the colonial period. The British imposed less a legal system than a type of “regulated control and brutality.” Many colonial laws, including the more restrictive ones, stayed on the books after independence, and the Tatmadaw later operationalized them to justify and strengthen their oppression—and which they have once again resorted to since the coup.Simion’s study also centered on the “intermediary.” During the transition period, with the lack of formal systems yet in place, the rush of foreign development actors who flooded into the country needed to rely on personal contacts—intermediaries—to get their projects off the ground. Intermediaries not only guided conversations, but were responsible for finding the appropriate personal connections and making necessary introductions, etc. Simion wryly notes that it begs the question of who was actually leading the projects!Since the coup, Simion has been impressed with how activists have shown a keen interest in the rule of law and transitional justice mechanisms. Incredibly, even as they are resisting the Tatmadaw and simply trying to survive, many are taking virtual classes with Simion on these complex yet important topics. She conducts training courses with people hiding in the jungle who want to learn more about principles for lawmaking, and tutors others about Constitutional reform, who are already looking ahead to ensure that ethnic minorities are protected in a new, post-Tatmadaw Myanmar.

Episode #151: Tomas Martin is a prison researcher who presently works with DIGNITY, the Danish Institute Against Torture. His interest in prison research was first piqued when he heard about ten-day vipassana meditation courses in the tradition of S.N. Goenka being conducted in Tihar Jail outside of New Delhi. He is now focusing on how imprisonment in Myanmar, and its ramifications, and not only the prisoners, but the staff as well.Besides the violence which often plagues incarceration, Martin pays close attention to the everyday experience of prison life. One of the more unique areas of his research has been a study of the usually foul prison air and its psychological and physical affects. He has pushed for new prison designs that encourage better ventilation, to improve the overall quality of life for prisoners.On the subject of human rights within Burmese prisons, Martin points out the tragic truth that torture has long been used by the military regime to punish political dissidents. After they go through unfair trials, Martin explains how they then have limited contact with family, and their access to food and medicine is restricted. In addition, they are often either placed in extremely overcrowded conditions or kept in solitary confinement, two extremes that are equally detrimental to mental and physical health.Martin has observed a paradoxical relationship between the revolution and the regime’s attempts at oppression. “Prison is where revolutionary actors and protests are being quelled. People are being locked up and even killed, to destroy the revolution. But the prison is also a place where there is opportunity to collect revolutionary actors and to produce revolutionary action and spirit!”

Episode #150: Joining the podcast over a year after her previous interview, Thiri returns to update listeners on her own personal story, as well as to discuss the state of the resistance and the democracy movement.Thiri describes living with debilitating stress and constant fear until finally she decided she had to flee the country. It was not an easy decision, and transitioning to life in a new country has been traumatic. Separated from her family and community, from her country, and with no possibility of returning while the military regime remains in power, she also feels guilty for abandoning the fight. At times she even feels that she has lost her soul.In spite of the pain that has overwhelmed so many Burmese, it’s important to Thiri that the international community not reduce the Burmese people to a one-dimensional caricature of a devastated population in shambles, which she strongly believes robs them of their humanity.Yet even from a place of safety, Thiri often finds herself triggered, her mind jumping back to the constant fear and dread of her life in Yangon. She has had to compartmentalize these intense emotions in order to complete tasks. In looking back over the past year, Thiri notes how the increasing brutality and violence of the military eventually resulted in many youths fleeing the country, joining the armed resistance, or going deep into hiding. She is dismayed to hear criticism that the resistance movement shouldn’t take up arms to defend themselves. She says, “I am not a violent person, and also I don't like war.” But it soon became apparent to many activists that there was no other way to resist the oppression and tyranny the military was trying to impose on the country. Thiri believes the democracy movement should be an inspiration to people around the world. “A threat to democracy in our country can be a threat to democracy in your country… This is beyond a political strife of brown people in Southeast Asia, it's broader than that… And we are telling you to join us in this fight together, so that we all can live in a society where fascists and dictatorship cannot have a space.”

Episode #149: Nandar Min Swe is a fundraiser for the government in exile. She helped sell NUG bonds, as well as facilitating the sale of subdivided plots of land owned by Min Aung Hlaing and other the military, which can be redeemed upon a successful end to the revolution. These days, she is working on facilitating a cryptocurrency which can circumvent the military regime’s control over the national financial system.Nandar identifies a developing problem, however, in that most fundraising efforts are directed at Burmese donors. “Why are we digging deeper into our own pockets, and our own pockets are not that deep enough, no matter how much we dig into?” she asked herself. She thinks this is due, in part, to Burmese cultural values. Nandar agrees with Phillipp Annawitt, who expressed on a recent Insight Myanmar podcast episode that the “culture of sacrifice” that has long existed within Burmese democracy movements is not a sustainable form of governance, and this is reflected in the Burmese focus of fundraising efforts—the same people give over and over until they can’t, while volunteers are beginning to feel overwhelmed. Nearly two years into the attempted coup, the Burmese diaspora still continues to have to shoulder nearly this entire burden, unable to find a way to break through to a wider audience beyond their own bubble.Going forward, Nandar makes clear she is seeking a new and better country, rather than advocating for a specific party or policy. “I'm not an NLD supporter or a Daw Aung San Suu Kyi supporter. I feel myself to be more like someone who wants to liberate Burma any way I can. And the only way I can right now is by fundraising.”

Episode #148: Melody Mociulski’s first trip to Burma was in 1974, during a round-the-world backpacking trip on the so-called “hippie trail.” A fellow traveler at one point convinced her to see Burma. So with little money in her pocket, flew to see for herself. It was the height of the hot season and swarming with mosquitoes, but Melody nonetheless was profoundly impacted by her brief stay in the country.Melody returned to Burma numerous times in the years following, a deep connection continuing to pull her back. The reason for her growing attachment was partly that Burma’s challenges seemed to be ignored by the international community more than other places, but mainly was just how moved she was by the Burmese people. So she founded Clear Path International, a nonprofit that provides medical assistance landmine victims and supports their reintegration into the local community.Eventually this led to female empowerment, which Melody describes as the central core of her passion and activism. In furtherance of this goal, she co-founded Educational Empowerment, whose main mission is to invest in girls’ education because of its positive effect on many aspects of women’s lives. Their work is perhaps most important now, as women are especially at risk during this time of conflict.Melody’s organization also works to provide better lives for children in various ways. For example, they fund children’s books to be printed in ethnic languages, featuring local folk tales, so that the children’s traditions and languages can be preserved. They also allocated funds for a school to be built in the Delta. Understanding the dangers of repeated flooding during monsoon season, they arranged for it to be constructed two feet higher than other buildings. Melody notes with pride that it is one of the few buildings in the area that always remains dry, and that it operates as a kind of emergency hub during heavy rains. Beyond this, her group has also established a number of libraries throughout the country, which offer courses in digital literacy and even job placement.

Episode #147: Many years ago, Jesse Phenow signed up to be a volunteer at a resettlement organizing, initially thinking he would be “the friend and ally and welcomer that that they've been needing.’” But he found something quite different! “This family didn't need me; in fact, in a lot of ways, I was the welcomed, not the welcomer. That family’s posture and sense of welcome was something that I desperately needed, and hadn't really experienced before.” Jesse was completely taken not only with the sense of hospitality of the Karen family he met, but also their savvy, gritty resilience.While in college, Jesse took what would be his first of many trips to Karen refugee camps, and he chose to write his senior thesis on the Karen Revolution, which filled with a much deeper sense of the people and their complex history.After graduation he moved to Minneapolis, where he worked in an office providing mental health services to immigrant communities. “There's a lot of trauma,” he acknowledges. “There's not a Karen person in Minnesota who doesn't have a story about a family member or a friend being harmed, raped, killed, tortured, or a village burned.”Jesse bought and renovated an older building nearby, which he transformed it into a communal space called “The Urban Village.” Its goal is to support Karen and Karenni youth struggling with their sense of identity. “We're hearing from elders a genuine fear around a growing disconnect between them and their kids,” Jesse says. “Our hope is that that connection really starts with a connection to themselves and to their identity, whatever they come to believe that to be, but that they feel a sense of connection.”The aftermath of the coup has exposed an additional manifestation of the generation gap. While the elder generation had to survive near constant assaults from the Tatmadaw, the latter do not have that personal experience, and their different perspectives strongly shape their outlook and sense of possibility.Even since the coup, Jesse has continued his relief trips supporting health and education projects back in Burma and around the border regions. While there, he also helps to document the on-going situation, and interviews elders with the aim of building a historical archive. As tumultuous and challenging as the last two years have been, he says, “The entire country is really fighting back, and I think this type of unity probably hasn't been seen before.”

Episode #145: Calvin Khoe, the Co-Director of Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia (FPCI), speaks with us about ASEAN’s and Indonesia’s in role in the Myanmar conflict.Khoe emphasizes the importance of allowing ASEAN to lead detailed, closed-door conversations with a wide range of actors within Myanmar, and that it shouldn’t be rushed by outside parties. He criticizes Westerners who he feels are unfamiliar with ASEAN’s protocols (and Asian culture in general) and who push too aggressively for progress.To Khoe, the need for private dialogue also informs his perhaps controversial opinion that it is inappropriate even to publicly chastise the Tatmadaw for its many serious human rights infractions, and that such matters should only be addressed by using soft language with them in private. And perhaps even more controversially, he insists that discussions on the future of the country must involve the SAC, as well as the NUG and various EAOs. This is because he feels that all parties have a seat at the table in looking at the future of the country, and he hopes Indonesia can be seen as a “big brother” member of ASEAN that could facilitate this kind of discussion.Addressing concerns that the military-led elections proposed this year would likely not be free and fair, and thus provide a false legitimacy to the junta, Khoe argues that he does not see any better option for resolving the conflict, and adds that ASEAN and Indonesia could help oversee any elections.Khoe explains how ASEAN and Southeast Asian nations view the role of the military within their respective countries. Most Southeast Asian countries have strong militaries, and Khoe believes that outside countries do not appreciate the local context and history of the region, and the traditional role that militaries play in that part of the world. This is also why he insists that the Tatmadaw does have a role in deciding the future of the country, in spite of the widespread violence they have perpetuated in these past two years.

Episode #145: Who am I?” Valerie remembers asking herself this question while sitting in a meditation hall at Aung Lan Monastery late one evening. “Why are we seeking and loving so much about having this attraction and attachments? What is going on? And so, that's how I started out.”Born in Myanmar to a Chinese Muslim family and a later convert to Buddhism, Valerie eventually relocated to California. There she became involved in the beauty pageant circuit and modeled, and was employed as manager of a commercial lending bank. But when an acquaintance she was due to meet suddenly died, her life priorities were shaken and she decided to attend a meditation course in the Thae Ingu tradition.Her first retreat was excruciating. The pain at one point became so severe she began to fear she was dying. But she was determined and eventually became able to detach from her pain. Her mind sharpened, she delighted in the subtle detail that only a penetrative mind is able to reach. She began to sit for longer and longer periods, examining the origin of suffering and the identification with body, and the conditionality of self. The course had a profound effect on Valerie, as she discovered when she returned home. She stopped modeling, and in fact barely attended to her appearance at all, which led to interventions from management at her bank and alarmed her friends.Then the military coup in Myanmar happened. And as deep as her spiritual journey had taken her, Valerie also found herself unable to sit at all following the coup because of the horrors being perpetrated by the Tatmadaw. Valerie became involved with the democracy movement and began to question her practice in light of the military’s brutality. While fully aware that the ultimate cause of suffering is inside, Valerie also feels strongly that seeking out a peaceful inner life is not possible in the wake of the excruciating harm the military is inflicting on the Burmese people. Valerie felt compelled to choose between prioritizing spiritual or worldly liberation, and temporarily has chosen the latter. Her reasoning is that the singular cause of so much intense suffering on the outside needs to be taken care of in the short term before conditions can again arise that support widespread meditation practice in the future, when peace eventually does return to the Golden Land.For now, her present pathway is clear. “We will try to support those people who are inside the country and fighting for the people, who are fighting for fairness, and fighting for the truth.”

Episode #144: In October 2007, Bobo witnessed uniformed soldiers beating Buddhist monks on the streets of Yangon. That experience radically changed the trajectory of his life.Bobo realized that any success or security he could accrue on an individual level through education and a profession could be snatched away without warning as long as the corrupt and cruel military regime remained in charge. He soon joined Generation Wave, an underground collective formed following the uprising in 2007. The work was dangerous and has put Bobo in the crosshairs since he was a teenager.Following the military coup in 2021, Bobo began working to help mobilize the populace into action with massive nonviolent protests and strikes in key sectors.  As the nonviolent protests continued, the military began using live munitions. Being an organization committed to nonviolent resistance, Generation Wave has had to be creative in their approach.Yet while Generation Wave, itself, has been steadfastly committed to peaceful forms of opposition, there is an understanding that each part of the movement is equally needed in order to counter the Tatmadaw: nonviolent action, armed resistance, the Civil Disobedience Movement, sanctions from the West, recognition of the NUG, etc.For the foreseeable future, Bobo is doing all he can at a personal level to play this role himself, pushing aside any thought of the toll it’s taking. “I don't want to be there,” he admits wearily. “I want to live very peacefully, and to have fun with friends and with my family. I want a normal life like other people, of course. But now all my energy and all my commitment are for the revolution and for the movement.”

Episode #143: The Burma Act’s origins can be traced to before the coup, according to Michael Haack, a longtime advocate. Its goal was to provide support for civil society while limiting the power of the military. One of its major features was calling out the Rohingya genocide, but Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell feared it would reflect poorly on his close friend, Aung San Suu Kyi, who at that time was leading the country, and blocked the bill’s passage.The final version of the Burma Act drew rare, almost unanimous bipartisan backing in the House, but it was again blocked by McConnell. So a decision was made to include it as an Amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), a bill that funds the US military and has passed annually since 1961. Haack notes that the language of the Burma Act specifically allows for only non-lethal aid.Haack emphasizes the groundbreaking nature of the bill, in that it lists many of the Ethnic Resistance Organizations (ERO) by name, along with the NUG and PDFs. Yet advocacy for continued attention to the crisis in Myanmar remains challenging. The Burmese diaspora’s failure to effectively coordinate their efforts with local legislators has been an on-going issue. Haack suggests a two-pronged approach to advocacy work. One is cultivating relationships and building trust with influential people and groups. The other is kicking off a well-coordinated media campaign, ideally with a compelling figure at its center. However, Myanmar’s ethnic groups now have their own direct lines of communication to the West—which was until recently not the case—making what were once Bamar-centric conversations and policy in the US far more complicated. Not only are past histories being contested, so also are visions of what a federal democracy even means.In the end, though, Haack notes that “Congress runs on winning campaigns,” and so for him, the best thing about the Burma Act is that…it (finally) passed!

Episode #142: “What must a government do to be worthy of recognition?”  This is a question that Philipp Annawitt poses in a recent The Diplomat article, and discusses with Insight Myanmar Podcast vis-à-vis the NUG and its allies.The concept of “legitimacy” has evolved in the past couple of centuries century. Considering the various strands of “legitimacy” standards in present-day Myanmar, Annawitt emphatically states that the military junta meets none of them. In contrast, he points out that the NUG (and its allies) carries out many of the commonly accepted, functional duties of a government in those areas of the country not under Tatmadaw control, and has even overseen security for civilians and administered justice in safe areas inside the country.But not only have few nations recognized the NUG as Myanmar’s legitimate government, it has hardly shown even modicum of support, especially in the face of the junta’s obvious abuses and demonstrable inability to govern well. Annawitt calls this out as indefensible. The robust Burmese diaspora communities around the world have been more than doing their part to keep the NUG afloat. This connects to the unique and amazing spirit of collective sacrifice that characterizes the NUG, which includes tens of thousands of civil servants volunteering their time. Moreover, Annawaitt finds that this spirit of sacrifice becomes a political factor in determining future career opportunities, should the Tatmadaw be defeated.That said, Annawitt also feels that the lack of wages for NUG’s civil servants is a serious issue with major ramifications that urgently needs addressing. Sustainability and the ability to fund all areas of the government are serious concerns. Given this situation, Annawitt envisions a big and urgent role for development partners to come in with financial resources and technical assistance. In fact, if more is not done to build up the government structures of the NUG, Annawitt cautions that there is little hope at any improvement for the country or its people, as the military leadership cares little for infrastructure beyond fattening their own pockets.Still, the present situation is a long way from being a utopian federal democracy, and Annawitt acknowledges the NUG’s various shortcomings, including a lack consultation with ethnic allies and a convoluted decision-making process. But Annawitt repeatedly reminds us is that this is not a peacetime government or a mature federal system, but a functioning though transitory bureaucracy with limited resources, that at the same time is actively resisting a brutal military. “In the current situation, a pressure is there constantly,” he says. “Pressure for survival, security pressure, and communication is really difficult. And the demands, physically, health, psychologically, on all the actors, are overwhelming.”

Episode #141: Jon rejoins us one year following his interview last year, and straight away expresses how his original hopes for a nonviolent solution were somewhat naïve. In the past year, he has come to realize that he either must submit passively to military rule or fight back aggressively. So Jon has personally been involved in both non-violent and guerilla activities. The midst of all this, he maintains a meditation practice, which has helped him balance the traumatic experiences he now faces. However, he puts it in perspective. “I still do all my Buddhist practice. But when we're at war, we do our spiritual stuff, but then we still fight to kill the enemies.”Indeed, this has been a somewhat confusing time for many Burmese Buddhist activists, as some prominent—and previously highly revered—monks appear quite hypocritical, sermonizing about morality and not killing, for example, while either supporting the murderous military outright or at least happy enough to take large donations from them.  This connects to the fault lines now appearing in Burmese Buddhism following the military’s manipulation of the Saṅgha, and their attempts to pervert the clergy into sponsoring nationalist messages.Jon’s analysis of the present state of the resistance movement is grounded in his own, on-the-ground perspective. “We are not winning yet, but they're losing for sure!” At the same time, he also points out some of the less reported-on kinds of devastation that the coup has wrought, such as alcohol, drug addiction or mental health issues, which he sees as coping mechanisms to extreme stress and trauma. He adds that life has become particularly fraught for the younger generation, many of whom have been randomly assaulted and/or arrested by the military.While Jon and his friends have all but given up on international organizations coming to their aid, he still hopes that individuals who are allies around the world will continue to stand by their cause. “If you see someone who is close to Myanmar, talk about it,” he says. “And then if you see someone who doesn't know Myanmar, educate them about it! I think that's the only way that we can push the story of Myanmar forward.”

Episode #140: Better Burma, in partnership with One Light Global, was proud to host "Myanmar's Voices for Freedom,” a panel discussion that bought together five, dynamic, Burmese nationals, each resisting the military regime in Myanmar in their own unique way. This full panel discussion has been modified into podcast format, and can be listened to here.The discussion explored a wide variety of topics: the Rohingya crisis, issues regarding the country’s marginalized groups and ethnic minorities, gender equality and LGBT+ rights, the role of the international community, how allies can rally to support the democracy movement, public school education, Burmese Buddhism and the practice of meditation, and how art and creative expression have been used to resist military tyranny.In addition to exploring these topics, the forum was created to help fundraise for two important missions: providing education in Mizoram to refugee children, and supporting villages in the Sagaing Division that were victims of military aggression.

Episode #139: After Bhikkhuni Vimala (they/their) learned about military coup in Myanmar, they wanted to find a way to express their feelings against it. They ultimately landed on the idea of encouraging their monastic friends abroad to take a picture with their alms bowl overturned, since Burmese monastics would likely face arrest and torture for making such a statement. “Even just a simple action like turning over the alms bowl… could get you in prisons or even killed” they explain. An overturned alms symbolizes a monk or nun’s disagreement with the actions of a group of lay supports who have done something that egregiously broke their precepts.Their campaign received an immediate if unexpected boost from such noted monastics as Bhikkhu Analayo and Bhikkhu Bodhi, who immediately sent in images of themselves with overturned alms bowls, and many more followed. Speaking on the subject of Engaged Buddhism, Bhikkhuni Vimala feels first and foremost, that it is essential for the practitioner to continue gaining inner wisdom through insight practice. “You have to find the truth within yourself,” they say. “But while doing so, you notice greater compassion for other people! This is what's often called ‘compassion in action.’” Bhikkhuni Vimala continues, “I think it's really important to help our fellow people in Myanmar. Because how can [people] sit quietly on a cushion and meditate, and pretend that all these things are not going on?... I think it is very important to help people to come to a place where they can practice the Buddhist teachings, and make sure that as Buddha's teachings also live on.”

Episode #138: “Almost everything was propaganda,” Paing comments, reflecting on his childhood growing up in Yangon. His release came in the form of artistic expression through music, largely influenced by Western bands and singers. He describes his songs as being gloomy and melancholic, which also characterizes his feelings about the recent, turbulent events in his country. Recently, however, Paing has been unable to write new music, nor even play his old tracks, because he is still recovering from the trauma of what he witnessed soon after the coup broke in Hlaing Thayar, his hometown. March 15, 2021, Paing watched from his rooftop balcony, as the military brutally assault protesters. Powerless, he saw people falling from injuries and others being killed outright, a memory which he feels has scarred him for life.Paing has been disappointed by both the lackluster international support as well as the leadership of the NUG. With diplomacy failing, he hopes that resistance fighters having better access to weapons can also help. However, as someone who still believes in the principles of non-violence, he is conflicted on this issue, especially as he realizes that a post-Tatmadaw world must include those former soldiers. “You can’t kill everyone that opposes any new idea,” he notes. “You have to see things on a human level, instead of just using guns.”Paing knows the way forward will not be easy. “Again, I'm a pessimist,” he says, laughing. “So I think everything that can go wrong, will go wrong. But the worst thing that could happen is the military winning.”

Episode #137: A lifelong Czech diplomat and currently Ambassador to Austria, Jiří Šitler talks about his career and the interesting ties between his country and Myanmar.He first official task was to negotiate terms for German compensation of Czech citizens who had been victims of forced labor and Nazi war crimes. After this, he was given the Ambassadorship to Thailand. This led to further ambassadorships in Laos, and Cambodia, and eventually the post of Director for Asia in the Czech Foreign Ministry.Šitler describes how Czech President President Havel was sympathetic to the growing Burmese aspirations for democracy. Havel helped get Aung San Suu Kyi nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. Their efforts were successful, and she and Havel continued their correspondence until Havel’s death in 2011.In May 2001, Šitler was appointed the Czech Ambassador to Myanmar. Because the Czech mission was so explicitly focused on human rights and democracy, the military regime was openly hostile at times. After Šitler left Myanmar in 2005, he stayed actively involved in the country.Stressing that he is speaking personally and not in any official capacity, Šitler feels there is a very compelling case for providing weapons to the resistance. He has also been heartened by the solidarity he has seen among democracy activists, even as he’s been horrified by the level of violence the military has used against its own people.Šitler is uniquely well-positioned to analyze the road to reconciliation in a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar. He thinks that military commanders who massacre civilian population shouldn't be pardoned. “But at the same time, you need to move forward somehow. So it's all always a question of measure, right?”  Although Šitler has traveled the world through his role as diplomat, his experiences in Myanmar stand out above all else. “This incredible commitment to the cause of freedom and democracy where people are risking so much, and still fighting and risking their lives, spending decades in prison… It was like the thoughts and approach of Václav Havel but in another part of the world.”

Episode #136: “I usually do what I want,” Nyein admits openly. Somewhat unusual for a woman in traditional Burmese culture, it is an attitude Nyein cultivated during the democratic transition period of the 2010s. Since the coup, she has become quite possibly the country’s only female photojournalist, one who has captured some of the most violent examples of military oppression. However, she has never been able to quite escape from the confining limitations of gender discrimination still plaguing her culture.When the coup was launched, Nyein was in the capital of Nay Pyi Daw, and came upon a tank parked on a street. She snapped a photograph of it which became an important image in visually confirming the military’s actions that day even as the generals were trying to downplay the military’s presence in the city.Back in Yangon, Nyein documented the non-violent protests that were growing in size. And although the protests were dangerous for everyone, besides standing out as a female photojournalist, her dedication to her profession made it extra risky because when the police began to crack down, she often chose to stay behind doing her job until the last possible moment.But her terrifying experience on March 14th, 2021, in Hlaing Thayar changed everything. She was trapped among the protesters when the military suddenly opened fire, and Nyein saw bodies falling all around her. Eventually she managed to find an apartment balcony where she hid while continuing to capture what was happening below.That experience led to a complete mental breakdown. She turned to meditation, aromatherapy, consulting with a psychologist, and ultimately had to take serious medication. Eventually, because of an increase police presence and her growing reputation as a female photojournalist, she no longer felt safe staying at her home and began changing where she slept every night.  Then one day, she sadly came to the realization that she needed to leave Myanmar. The day of her departure at the Yangon Airport was nerve-wracking, as she was convinced she was going to be apprehended and arrested before her flight took off. Fortunately, she managed to get out safely.Now in Thailand, Nyein’s determination to seek her own path is as resolute as ever. “If you're really interested in photography,” she says, “whether something about your gender, whether you're gay, you just have to have to follow your dreams.”

Episode #135: “We just felt like we knew Myanmar, and it didn't seem like a foreign place to us.” So says Tamara Edwards, currently the Center Teacher at Dhamma Pabha, a vipassana meditation center in the tradition of S.N. Goenka.A chance encounter led Tamara to her first course in 1990. The teachings stuck, and she became dedicated to the practice. Together she and her Dhamma partner, Jamie, sat and served courses. After taking two years away to earn a livelihood, they felt they needed to reorient their life back towards meditation. So in 2012 they enrolled in a 30-day course in Myanmar.They also traveled widely throughout the country, particularly those sites in the lineage of S.N. Goenka. Eventually, they found a sense of home and community at the Webu Sayadaw Monastery in Ingyinbin, which she describes as “the most peaceful place on Earth.”  After repeated extended visits to the monastery, Tamara came to feel she wanted to take a deeper plunge, and so decided to ordain as a nun there. Doing so opened up her practice as well as her interactions within the community in ways she never could have anticipated. Tamara later decided to don robes a second time, and following her return to lay life, she felt fulfilled in this particular aspiration.Tamara finds something ironic, and deeply tragic, about recalling these memories now. “I felt so helpless [when the coup started] that there was absolutely nothing we could do,” she notes. “But I couldn't turn away from it!” Eventually her obsession began unbalancing her mind, and so Tamara had to take steps to limit how much she was following the latest news, while still trying to be in touch with close friends and giving donations to nonprofits.  Her practice is also of great help during these difficult times.

Episode #134: Liv Gaborit, a Danish social scientist with a background in psychology, conducted a groundbreaking study about intensive vipassana meditation retreats offered in the tradition of S. N. Goenka in notorious, overcrowded, Insein prison.Gaborit was told a story about a high-level military figure who regretted his bloody actions in suppressing the 1988 democratic uprising. Seeking spiritual salvation, he traveled to India, where he took a course in the Goenka tradition and was determined to bring it back to the prison system in Myanmar.Gaborit’s study centered on the experience of hearing voices in solitary confinement versus during a meditation retreat. Solitary confinement can lead to a range of hallucinations and mental disorders; while during intensive meditation, seeing and hearing from invisible beings can be understood as a deepening practice. Another important factor that Gaborit points to is the presence of metta, or loving-kindness. When political prisoners hear voices on meditation courses, metta is in the environment and cushions the experience, while in solitary, it is quite a different story. For the political prisoners on the prison course, Gaborit says that the result of that positive energy was remarkable, while for the monk, the lack of being able to receive or practice metta no doubt contributed to his mental imbalance.What began as a research project has transformed into something far larger for Gaborit: her own life trajectory has been radically altered. After the coup, Gaborit left her position in academia to become a full-time activist, and co-founded Myanmar Action Group Denmark.

Episode #133: Zach Abuza, a professor at the National War College who shared his analysis of the Burmese military in our previous discussion, now turns his attention to the resistance movement.While initially the concern about the Peoples’ Defense Force [PDFs] was that they were well -intentioned yet poorly trained individuals going up against a ruthless and brutal military, much has changed since. Every one of the country’s 330 townships now boasts at least one PDF unit, and they have steadily increased their supply of materiel. The PDFs were created “bottom-up,” with people coming together organically for the purpose of self-defense. Thus, most PDFs are regional, largely funded by the population they have been set up to protect, and from whom they derive their sense of legitimacy. But this “horizontal network” creates organizational and coordination challenges much more challenging, and chain of command unwieldy.  The concern now is how to best manage them.To try and impose discipline across the resistance, the NUG has tried to extract at least some kind of nominal pledge from these groups that they fight solely for the purpose of resisting the military, with the eventual goal of creating a federal democracy. However, this has become somewhat more challenging by the fact that the NUG has almost nothing to offer these now semi-autonomously functioning units in return for their allegiance—neither funds, nor arms, nor strategic military advice, nor on-the-ground leadership. Whatever challenges remain in this regard, Abuza is amazed at the spirit and courage the PDFs have shown.Like many people, Abuza is keen to envision a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar, yet he is not optimistic by what he sees. “I could easily see the NUG winning the war and losing the peace, because they are unable to fulfill the aspirations of the EAOs and establish a true federal democracy.” Moreover, he wonders what would happen to these hundreds of PDF organizations throughout the country, which by that time will have become well-armed, effective fighting forces.

Episode #132: Zach Abuza, a columnist at Radio Free Asia and a professor at the National War College in Washington, DC, provides his analysis of the tactical and strategic situation facing the Tatmadaw nearly two years into their attempted coup.He debunks several theories regarding the Burmese military. One is the size of the Burmese military, which he believes is much smaller than is often assumed, and is now showing signs of strain. There is also an increasing number of defections, and Abuza estimates that around 15% of the Tatmadaw’s soldiers have been killed, wounded, or defected.In the past, the military relied on an urban Bamar population who could at worst be counted on to tacitly support their incursions into ethnic territories. Now, however, Abuza says, “The people are not being cowed into submission…it's got to drive Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win absolutely batshit that the population continues to resist the military every day!” People with almost nothing still manage to give whatever they can to the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), a clear sign of how determined they are to continue to sacrifice in hopes of seeing the military defeated once and for all.  In terms of the military’s resources, on the one hand, Abuza notes that helicopters are the biggest threat to the resistance efforts, and their munitions are produced in-country. However, Abuza has seen a decrease in the number of mortars being launched into villages, indicating that they are concerned about their depleting stocks.With all this in mind, Abuza feels it is critical for the PDFs to begin avoiding direct conflict in favor of “fighting the military's ability to wage war. They have to concentrate on the increasingly depleted logistics network.” His main concern is the resistance’s ability to sustain their efforts, since the Tatmadaw still benefits from relationships with China and Russia.

Episode #131: Mike Davis is CEO of Global Witness, an international NGO that seeks “justice for those disproportionately affected by the climate crisis: people in the global south, indigenous communities and communities of colour, women and younger generations.” It published two groundbreaking reports on Myanmar’s mining industry.One is Jade and Conflict, which shines a light on the dangers, corruption and environmental degradation of the lucrative jade mining industry in Kachin State, which is largely controlled by Chinese companies in collusion with Myanmar military elites. The other, Myanmar’s Poisoned Mountains, covers the mining of the rare earth metals dysprosium and terbium, which go into a variety of everyday electronics, and for which the demand will only be increasing. They had previously been mined in China, but the environmental cost of doing so was so extreme that even the Chinese government realized it was no longer viable. So, they outsourced their “filthy mining operation” to Myanmar, which also has reserves of these rare earth metals.Mike points out that while his organization supports the mission to seek alternatives to fossil fuels and locate more renewable energy sources, it must be done in a way which is equitable and environmentally conscious. Towards these ends, Global Witness is hoping that their advocacy can encourage countries to ban the import of products which source from this region, as well as to lobby companies to refuse to acquire them. “The renewable transition wants to buy greener products but they also want to see the companies that supply them controlling their production supply chains in a way which is in line with the high ethical standards which they purport to purport to abide by,” he says.And with the rampant logging also taking place in that same region, Davis paints the picture of a vast web of illegal operations that benefit only the very top elites, with local populations suffering and the overall environment being devastated in the process. It is a significant and extremely messy situation that adds a sense of increased gravity and immediacy to the already disastrous military coup.

Episode #130: Igor Blaževič experienced the chaos, violence and fear of the Bosnian War at a young age. Once the war ended, Igor wanted to support others who were suffering from the lack of freedom he had only just escaped from. With this in mind, Igor traveled to such hotspots as Kosovo, Chechnya, Cuba, Belarus, and eventually to Myanmar.This work led to a close friendship with Czech President Václav Havel, whose own country had recently emerged from a traumatic past. Havel’s participation at events that Igor sponsored ensured a wider visibility to their cause.In Myanmar, Igor found the oppression similar to what he had seen elsewhere. He stayed in the country for five years, working with former political prisoners and ethnic activists. These were the transition years, and despite the optimism brought by the new period of openness, Igor saw red flags from the start. He tried to explain that it was only a superficial democratic façade, but the situation only deteriorated when the Rohingya crisis hit. And as the crisis worsened, things began to play out in a way that was eerily familiar to Igor from his experience with communal violence in Bosnia.Igor saw how military intelligence was infiltrating and radicalizing parts of the Saṅgha, using the highly respected monastic clergy to advance its own fear tactics under the guise of Buddhism, spreading the poison of ethnocentrism and xenophobia. But he wasn’t heard, dismissed as a know-nothing foreigner. Even so, Igor was totally taken by surprise when the military coup was launched last year. However, he now found that diverse groups in Myanmar were united in facing a common enemy, and so he saw a chance for building solidarity that had not been possible before. To him the course is clear: recognize that the Tatmadaw is the common enemy, unite to destroy it, and then work together to build a better future after it is defeated.

Episode #129: Andrea Passeri and Hunter Marsten co-authored an article which looks at Myanmar’s quest for a non-aligned foreign policy, and that is the subject of this podcast discussion.In 2011-12, following many years of military rule, the Thein Sein administration moved quickly to gain both domestic and international legitimacy. It instituted economic and political reforms, allowing the NLD, who had boycotted the elections, back into the political mainstream.From the military junta’s previous negative-neutral foreign policy, the new government began shifting to a positive and active policy of non-alignment. There was a tangible feeling of openness and hope taking root. With Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s ascendence in the years that followed, this more outward-looking foreign policy continued; Passeri and Marsten consider this a high-water mark for Myanmar in terms of a policy of positive neutrality.However, things started to turn in 2016, when the Rohyinga crisis played out on a worldwide stage. As a result, sanctions once again began to be imposed on the country. Aung Sang Suu Kyi’s apologist stance towards the military turned off once-enthusiastic international supporters; foreign aid and investment dried up, and the country once again became more inward-looking. So as Myanmar’s international legitimacy dissolved, the pendulum began swinging back towards negative neutralism.The authors emphasize the role that self-reliance plays in the ability to successfully enact both positive non-alignment and negative neutralist policies. It is, in fact, quite a challenge for small countries like Myanmar either way, because they are most often not self-reliant enough to “go it alone.” So while Myanmar may never have fully realized a goal of positive non-alignment, it has never really been able to fully realize negative neutralism, either. Today, with few countries willing to countenance the Tatmadaw’s violent and repressive rule, Myanmar is a pariah nation internationally and has become increasingly aligned with the authoritarian Great Powers, China and Russia. However, Marsten remains optimistic about the future because he believes that the younger generation has learned the lessons it needs to have learned to ultimately gain power and realize those goals.

“The greatest tragedy of Myanmar as a country is that it gets the headline for a week or two, and then it generally gets buried, because so many other things are happening,” Matt Davis explains. With this in mind, Matt decided to head to Chin State, one of the regions where the conflict has been among the worst, and report on the resistance movement. His work ultimately resulted in a feature on Australia Broadcasting Corporation’s popular current affairs program, Foreign Correspondent.Matt was struck by how many ordinary young people from all walks of life had chosen to stand up to the military’s aggressions, no matter the risk or personal sacrifice. He recalls meeting a mother whose son had been injured attempting to disarm a landmine. When asking about her concern for her son in returning to the front, the mother was resolute that everyone must be willing to sacrifice, no matter what the risks.Yet while Matt is inspired to see how normal civilians have managed to effectively resist their own military, he is disheartened by the continued lack of support from beyond Myanmar’s borders. “I think it's a question that we should ask of our governments, and to be prepared to demand that they do more.” Compared to the Ukraine, so much less support has been shown to the Burmese people, and they can’t understand why they haven’t received even a small part of such sympathy. They have begun to ask, “What about us?”What Matt observed in Chin State is perhaps a microcosm of the wider movement now taking place across the country, and even outside, to support the emerging democracy movement. “There is only one goal now: that is to remove the military and restore democracy to the country of Myanmar. So that’s… what gives me hope that things might change. But it may still take some time, particularly if they're not supported by the international community.”

Episode #127: “I basically started meditating about eight years ago, and it's it changed my life completely,” Claire Thorp tells us.For years, Claire had been intrigued observing how her partner kept up a daily sitting and was curious to give it a try herself. Her initial course in the Burmese lineage of S.N. Goenka was very challenging for her. However, she felt sort of a “magnetic pull” to the tradition and returned to start sitting and serving.Some time later, Claire traveled to India for further meditation. She ended up visiting Jaipur, where she took a course in natural dyeing. This would eventually lead to the creation of her company, Sati Designs, which produces meditation cushions. The Pāḷi word “sati” means “mindfulness,” and that began to guide the company’s vision.Claire fell in love with the artisan community in Jaipur. Many of these artisans come from families who have been using traditional techniques for generations, and work right out of their homes. Through her connections, she located sources for every part of the production.Following her second Vipassanā course, she had made a strong resolution to visit Myanmar. From the moment she arrived in 2016, she felt a sense of warmth and inclusion. She took a course at Dhamma Joti, and was immediately struck by how serious her fellow Burmese yogis were, and how long they could sit with only minimal cushions and support. She made wonderful friendships in a short time, and was struck by the way supporting Dhamma is woven through the society.Claire has since been following the unfolding events in Myanmar with sadness, while trying to bring attention and support. Towards this end, she has generously offered a special two-week promotional period lasting from October 14th to the 28th, in which 20% from all sales at Sati Designs will be donated to Better Burma.

Episode #126: When Rose Metro sat down to write Have Fun In Burma, a novel set during the Rohingya crisis, she was already well aware that the country has long been viewed through an exotified, Orientalist lens. Being quite conscious of this past narrative, she wanted to draw attention to cultural conflict, using multiple perspectives. The protagonist, Adela Frost, is a politically progressive young woman. She interacts with diverse characters who represent common archetypes from the transition period in Myanmar. While this diverse cast of characters may well not communicate skillfully across cultures even in the best of times, their misunderstandings take on far more serious consequences, in a story built around the developing Rohingya crisis. Adela applies her values and perspective to the unfolding violence, unable to understand how the Burmese characters see the situation differently. Because they cannot even agree on a shared set of facts, let alone find a resolution, the tension mirrors the wildly divergent ways that the Rohingya crisis was covered by the media. Rose also brings the subject of meditation into her narrative. Adela is taught a Mahasi style practice by the abbot of the monastery. For Rose, it was important that the meditation part of Adela’s journey, and its role in the wider Burma experience, did not happen in isolation, but was integrated into everything else taking place both at the monastery and in society at large. “I think that's just the central tension. We have to have that balance of compassion and equanimity. That's so hard. How can you keep being open to feeling empathy for people when their suffering is so great? But also, how can you not just be like Adela and be like, ‘Okay, I'll fix it….’ If it has any chance of reducing suffering, either mine or someone else's, it's worth doing. I think that kind of humility is something that can take a long time to get to.”

Episode #125: Given the deteriorating and destabilizing situation in Myanmar, one might assume that experts in the fields of Burma Studies, along with Burmese language teachers, would be more important now than ever. Yet nonetheless, the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) has elected to terminate the post of Professor of Burmese.Burmese language instruction at SOAS dates back to 1917, when civil servants associated with Britain’s colonial administration studied Burmese. Yet the institution is now experiencing financial problems that can be traced back to Brexit, and Covid has only exacerbated the situation. As a result, Justin Watkins, who currently holds the position, was informed in the summer in 2020 that his position was at risk of being cut, and he was given two years to seek out funding to build an endowment. However, the military coup happened only months later, it became very difficult to ask for funding for his program that otherwise would probably go to supporting a country in such dire circumstances. Watkins has requested a two-year extension, but the post is set to expire this month.Watkins fears that at a time when it has been so difficult for the crisis in Myanmar to break into the international community’s consciousness, cutting his program would only serve to further relegate the country and its people to the background. Plus, SOAS is one of the few institutions in the world that still offers Burmese language study.Watkins points to the negative effect that decreased opportunities for Burmese language study will have on aid workers, diplomats, human rights activists, and others who can do far better work when they are able to speak in the local language.

Episode #124: Today’s guest, Guillaume de Langre, worked for several years in Naypyidaw as an adviser to the Myanmar Ministry of Electricity and Energy (MOEE), and explains the history of electrification in Myanmar.From the post-independence period through the 2000s, he describes how much of the country was dark. One reason is that Tatmadaw was never really interested in developing access to electricity to much of the country. It may seem strange that the military regime did not seek a more prosperous economy, which would have required a more efficient and widespread electricity grid. But de Langre explains how the generals followed a Soviet style plan of state-owned industries where actual productivity was never the goal.Then in 2000, providing access to electricity suddenly became a priority, and brought about a rapid transformation that greatly benefited the Burmese people and economy. However, usage rates went way up, straining the system in a new way.  De Langre notes that the government ended up spending more on energy subsidies than even on education, which ultimately led to sharp price hikes in 2019.  This led to exploring plans for alternative energy sources, like solar or imported power plants, several of which were in place on the eve of the coup. However, everything fell apart after the coup, as investors balked at what had become high-risk projects overnight.Sadly, de Langre also believes that even if the military is defeated, “it would still take years to fix the damage done to the energy sector by the coup… It will take years for companies to trust again and to lower their perception of risk.”

Episode #123: Lucine has been the liaison officer between France and Myanmar for decades. With this rich experience, she offers an insightful perspective on the workings and machinations of the hidden world of diplomats across multiple crises in Myanmar.Burma used to be viewed as a kind of remote backwater that few knew much about. But that all changed with the ’88 democratic uprising. Working with the European countries and the US, Lucine advocated for an immediate travel ban and economic restrictions on high level military figures. Surprisingly, she was never arrested, a mystery that eludes her to this day.Back then, Western countries were very sympathetic to Burma’s plight. But since Aung San Suu Kyi’s fateful decision to personally defend the Rohingya genocide at the IJC, that all changed. Lucine explains that Aung San Suu Kyi hoped her hard stand would both help her election chances and placate the military, making a coup less likely. However, not only did Aung San Suu Kyi single-handedly lose worldwide sympathy and support for her country’s democratic transition, the military ultimately launched a coup anyway.Away from Myanmar, Lucine describes the anxiety many Burmese exiles now have in not knowing if their respective ambassadors support the democracy movement, or are little more than spies for the junta. Even worse, the military has instructed its embassies not to issue new passports, leaving approximately 80,000 stateless Burmese in limbo.Lucine cannot understand how most of the international community has simply stood by and watched the suffering of the Myanmar people grow exponentially. “No sympathy, no empathy, I would say! They don't care how many people are killed in a day, even though we've been sharing news and we've been crying out in many ways around the world!”

Episode #122: Gil Fronsdal’s single visit to Myanmar came over three decades ago, but the impact of the trip on his spiritual life stays with him still.Initially practicing Zen, he went to Japan to deepen his practice, but he soon became disillusioned with the emphasis on ritual. He traveled on to Thailand, where he took a Mahasi course. Immediately impressed, he felt inspired go to the source of the teaching and seek further guidance under Sayadaw U Pandita, himself.When Gil did finally arrive in the country, he devoted himself to intensive meditation at the large Mahasi center in Yangon, including several months as an ordained bhikkhu. The experienced touched him “in some deep, emotional way.”However, studying under U Pandita was not easy. Gil knew a lot of the Westerners who burned out and developed psychological problems under U Pandita’s stern and exacting teaching about striving for attainment. But Gil’s Zen background helped temper the effect of this, while at the same he was fascinated with the attention to detail the Mahasi practice afforded. He began sitting in extended periods of bliss.In the context of Gil’s balanced and deeper practice space, Sayadaw U Pandita’s emphasis also resonated with him in a new, more concrete way, helping him realize how, in the “micro-moments” of his life, he was not so accepting as he believed himself to be. This eventually impacted his own teaching career, as Gil became increasingly conscious of not only presenting meditation as an aid to leading a balanced life, but also reminding his students about the potential of full liberation.Overall, that brief stay in the Golden Land continues to be a special memory for Gil. “Of the eight months I was there in the Mahasi center, I really felt like I was a guest of the country, and the whole culture. The whole country was hosting me and caring for me.”Following the talk, Gil requested that Insight Myanmar address his group, The Sati Center for Buddhist Studies. This talk will take place September 17 at 9.30 am, Pacific time. If you would like to join the discussion, you can register here.

Episode #121: While perhaps a strange choice for some, Steve Jarand and Kati Schweitzer elected to spend part of their honeymoon meditating in Myanmar. Both being practitioners in the vipassana tradition of S.N. Goenka—a Burmese citizen of Indian heritage who trained in a Burmese lineage—that 2016 trip was something of a spiritual homecoming for them.The visit broadened their horizons regarding their spiritual path. For example, Steve learned to appreciate Burmese Buddhist culture on its own terms through the realization that “it's much more rich and complex than just what I had known about the practice!” And from the start, Kati appreciated how interwoven the practice was in daily life throughout Myanmar. They also found much meaning while staying longer in monastic environments.Overall, there was much joy to remember from the trip, particularly the way they always found their Burmese friends quick to smile, and their amazing generosity. With the memory of that kindness in mind, Steve and Kati speak to the wider practitioner community about how important it is to support the people of Myanmar during these very dark days, since the military coup, and find a way to reciprocate.

Episode #120: On Thursday, August 25th, 2022, the accomplished artist and longtime activist, Htein Lin, was arrested along with his wife, Vicki Bowman. We had only just recently interviewed him, so hearing this news was doubly shocking.Htein Lin became was involved in the 1988 uprising in opposition to the military junta, and experienced guerilla warfare as a member of the revolutionary group, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front. While living in a reconnaissance camp along the Indian border, Htein Lin met an artist from Mandalay who became his mentor. Together they discussed art and painting techniques, and Htein Lin’s passion for art grew.Then in 1998, Htein Lin was arrested for nearly seven years when the letter of an old friend, a retired school teacher, was intercepted by the Tatmadaw. In prison, he continued to work as an artist, using objects found around the jail, such as pieces of glass, dismantled cigarette lighters, and syringes, etc. He even staged an art exhibition of this work for guards and prisoners.At one point, Htein Lin was transferred to Death Row. He and a poet friend were confined more than 23 hours per day with serious criminals, including at least two murderers. Yet his new neighbors offered up the one thing in their possession: their white, prison-issue sarongs as cloth upon which Htein Lin could continue to paint.Then just as suddenly, he was released. After returning to civil society, Htein Lin became increasingly involved in artists’ discussion groups and experimental performance art. He met and married his wife, Vicki Bowman, the former British ambassador to Burma.  Together, they sought and found meaningful spiritual community in Dhamma Dipa, a vipassana meditation center in the tradition of SN Goenka. This led to further awakening and integration of his life and art: “If you are living in the present without reacting, without anger, and [if you] share in anything negative, sharing with loving-kindness and compassion in you, you become a very beautiful piece of art.”May his equanimity be of support to Htein Lin in his recent re-arrest.

Episode #119: Erin Murphy has been involved in Asia issues since 2001, and Myanmar, in particular, since 2008. She relates all this in her recently released book, Burmese Haze. She contrasts the somewhat distorted, emotionally charged view of Myanmar held by American policy-makers during the transition period with the harsh, even brutal military reality in Myanmar that was lurking just under the surface. Murphy recalls the sheer callousness of the military government’s refusal to accept humanitarian aid in the aftermath of the horrific and devastating Cyclone Nargis in 2008. Regarding sanctions, for some in the American government the push for sanctions against the Tatmadaw has become almost a moral crusade. However, Murphy explains that the effect of any sanctions imposed on the regime will not be that onerous if other countries do not follow suit. As for any role that China might play, Murphy states, “I think one word that summarizes [the relationship between Myanmar and China] is ‘complicated’.” When asked to speculate about the motivations of Aung San Suu Kyi, Murphy says that we may never know exactly what she was planning. She believes that The Lady has had to walk a fine line, balancing priorities, and no one really knows what her internal calculus was. As for the Rohingya, it is but one of many decades-long, ethnic wars waged by the Burmese junta. Murphy says many in the international community should have seen it coming, but did nothing to stop it. Besides being an overall global failure, more recently it’s an instance of unfortunate timing, in which international attention got distracted by Myanmar’s nascent yet fragile democracy period. On a sobering but positive note, Murphy concludes by saying that none of the protests have been in vain. “These are lessons; I don't see them as failures. Did they succeed in getting a democracy? No. But did they succeed in getting their cause recognized by the world? People know about it. And that's important, laying the groundwork… What you do is you keep getting new generations of people interested and then they bring in their tools, and their thoughts and their experiences.”

Episode #118: Kyar Phyu returns to the Insight Myanmar Podcast to update listeners on how eventful the past number of months have been, in particular regarding her association with the CDM.Her activities came to the notice of military intelligence, and Kyar Phyu was forced to flee, taking refuge in a safe house for eight months. During that entire time, she only ventured outside twice, both times out of necessity: first when she contracted COVID, and then when her safe house became compromised, and she had to move to another. Eventually, Kyar Phyu realized it would only be a matter of time until she was captured if she stayed put. Eventually, she went to Thailand, ultimately settling in Mae Sot.To maintain her mental balance amid all the stress and challenges, she took up ānāpāna meditation, following the instructions of pyit-pyet (ဖြစ်ပျက်), or the arising and passing away of breath from the nostrils. “It made me be more compassionate to myself,” she says. “It made me more peaceful, so I can accept anything that happens.” Though Kyar Phyu also admits that balancing Buddhist meditation with a concerted effort to defeat an evil enemy is no easy to task.While Kyar Phyu still sees CDM as essential to the cause, she recognizes that it could not be sustained, financially or otherwise; many had to leave hiding and return to the office due to financial hardships, while many other workers were either pressured to return to work or arrested and found themselves in jail. She asserts that the People’s Defense Forces are the most important component of the movement now, more than the NUG.She also calls attention to the emerging woman soldier divisions, and is in awe of the brave, young Burmese females who are putting their lives on the line. This is no small thing in traditional Burmese society, with its heavily circumscribed gender roles.Finally, she remains confident that the SAC is facing defeat. “We are winning, but still, we have to be more systematic and have stronger communication. But still I feel we are in very good situation now.”

Episode #117: “The army believed democratic fighters were hiding in my center, so they moved very aggressively. They entered my meditation center! They shouted, ‘Hey, I will kill you. I will kill you!’ Their soldiers knocked in the door of the female kūtis. Oh God, everyone is very scared. Very afraid. They are shooting; they are firing in the air. But when they came to the female Dhamma Hall, they saw the female yogis are practicing in the Dhamma Hall. So, they are very surprised and shocked, and they see that this is a meditation center, and see we are practicing. So, they calm down their anger.”The first portion of this interview contains a blow-by-blow narrative about the direct and personal experience of war, as experienced from the confines of a silent meditation retreat at Kyun Pin monastery, a meditation center in the tradition of Sayadaw U Pandita. Myanmar’s military bombarded two neighboring villages with mortars and rockets for two days, and at one point barged into the meditation center itself. Calmly and in great detail, Sayadaw U Jatila relates the screaming, the burning of houses for days on end, and the purposeful destruction of animals and basic necessities for daily life. He describes soldiers who have lost their minds due to alcohol and drugs, and ordered by higher military officials to engage in brutal acts against their own people.He then goes to discuss a wide range of matters. U Jatila feels strongly that people from all ethnic and religious backgrounds in Myanmar should enjoy basic human rights of freedom and safety. He calls out the military for using scare tactics to promote a nationalist Buddhist agenda that encourages anti-Islam sentiments. He also recounts his past meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, and discusses what he learned about her meditation practice. Finally, he touches upon the very sensitive topic of armed resistance, discussing how Burmese democracy activists can resist the military.

Episode #116: On July 7th, the official account of the European Union in Myanmar posted a two-minute video urging factories in conflict-torn Myanmar to re-open, charging that the factory shutdowns had driven former employees to poverty and even prostitution. In response, many charged that the EU was trying to manipulate Burmese voices to advocate for a policy that would benefit themselves but goes against the aspirations of the democracy movement. Today’s guest, Maung Maung, currently president of the Confederation of Trade Unions in Myanmar (CTUM), addresses this video, as well as labor’s role in the current revolution and the overall conditions for Myanmar’s workers.While Maung Maung does not dispute an accusation in the video that the closed factories harm ordinary Burmese workers, he believes it is hurting the regime more, and that is the current priority.Maung Maung also found the video highly offensive because it is quite chauvinistic and insulting for Western powers to try and “educate” the Burmese people on the dangers of local young women turning to prostitution.To make matters worse, the junta has picked up on the video and has begun to promote it as a way to normalize their brutal regime, meaning that, in effect, the EU has managed to provide the Tatmadaw with a key piece of propaganda to boost their rule.Yet, as hard as things are now in the country, Maung Maung is hopeful for the future. “We are winning. We want people to not just think like well, ‘The military is going to win again.’ No, it is not!”

Episode #115: Matthew Wells is a member of Amnesty International’s Crisis Response team specializing in human rights violations, and has spent years investigating the ongoing atrocities by the Tatmadaw. One of the patterns that has come up repeatedly in their group’s study has been the Burmese military’s targeting of civilian communities rather than armed opponents.One particular Tatmadaw tactic that stands out to Wells is its reliance on airstrikes. Heavy bombardment is effectively traumatizing an entire population, and many Burmese are terrified whenever they hear a loud sound now, however distant. This is likely not unintentional, but rather part of a concerted effort to frighten the population into submission and create further instability.Recently, Wells’ group published a report documenting war crimes and displacement in eastern Myanmar. In some of these cases, villages were bombarded for days and nights without end, even though there were no lawful targets in the area. To make matters even worse, the military has launched assaults on IDP camps as well, so the people simply have nowhere to go now. He describes soldiers having become little more than bands of marauders that rape, pillage, steal, and burn their way through the Burmese countryside.The military has been doing everything it can to limit news of its atrocities, shutting off electricity and internet access, and punishing journalists and others. In spite of these obstacles, Amnesty’s work in uncovering the true story has been nothing short of miraculous. Through their examination of satellite imagery and a confidential in-country network, they have managed to document the ongoing reign of terror.Still, Wells is not satisfied that their work is achieving its desired outcome because of a lack of international response. And he is even less hopeful about the damage being done to the country’s essential infrastructure: a collapsed economy, a decimated health care system, long-term food insecurity, and disrupted education. These structural problems are exacerbated by the real challenge of effectively getting humanitarian aid into the country.Wells calls on listeners to do what they can to continue to keep Myanmar in the news and hold their local representatives accountable. “It's on all of us to try to bring more attention to the situation here and to make sure that our governments wherever we are in the world are likewise putting priority on this.” He also encourages people to continue donating to nonprofits that are providing aid.

Episode #114: Growing up in the Bay Area, raised by parents who followed the Vietnamese meditation master Thich Nhat Hanh, Derek Pyle was no stranger to Buddhist theory and practice. While some Western practitioners separate their formal meditation practice from their experience of everyday life, Derek has always found value in integrating them, and has looked for inspiration from formal sitting practice to sutta study to undertaking projects as an Engaged Buddhist.One of his first projects was in 2017, when the Tatmadaw ramped up their aggression against the Rohingya. Derek reached out to Alan Senauke, and the they worked on a petition and fundraising campaign in support of the Rohingya.Beyond this, Derek has been looking for ways that local Saṅghas can engage in the world in accordance with their values. This is especially important regarding the present situation in Myanmar. “[Given] the incredible violence being perpetuated by the military in Myanmar, I think it would be really interesting for Buddhist communities… to be thinking about… ‘What are the different approaches we could take to really think about how we might be able to intervene in a way that actually reduces violence?‘”Citing Aric McBay’s Full Spectrum Resistance, Derek has come to believe that “resistance movements are more effective if there is an amount of armed resistance, but that can't be the main tactic used.” This exploration has led to even deeper soul-searching on his own part, in hopes of finding answers to difficult questions such as whether non-violence is actually a viable method of resisting oppression.Derek calls out not only Buddhist organizations in the West for not doing enough to support the Myanmar resistance, but more generally, liberal democracy. He asserts that while it may stake out principled positions in favor of progressive change in theory, it may be preventing meaningful change in practice. He takes particular issue with a stance of “neutrality” towards oppression and violence, noting that it often means—in reality—tacitly supporting the side that perpetuates injustice.Derek continues to support the Burmese people. “I find it heartbreaking and terrifying that this is a reality people have to live in, and also incredibly inspiring that people are so courageous, and creative and rambunctious in the midst of all of that. It's really powerful.”

Episode #113: “I often asked myself how people can really have the presence of mind to sit down and write amidst such extraordinarily difficult circumstances, to be able to reflect on the kinds of traumas that that they're experiencing.”So says Brian Haman, who, along with ko ko thett, is the co-editor of “Picking Off New Shoots Will Not Stop the Spring: Witness poems and essays from Burma/Myanmar (1988-2021),” the first published literary work to come out of Myanmar since the military coup. It is a stunning collection of poetry and prose, bringing profound and heart-wrenching perspectives from a variety of Burmese people impacted by the ongoing conflict.Many of their selections for the anthology unflinchingly present the harsh reality of that violence, fear, despair, loss, and grief. What readers experience is a rawness of emotion and expression that overwhelms the many aspects of the coup and its aftermath that have been somewhat clinically reported on in the past year and a half in the mainstream media.Despite the extreme forms of violence being waged on innocent civilians, Brian was in awe of the power they displayed when they fought back with their voices. This was a force that the regime was equally aware of, and in fact anxious about, as they went to great lengths to go after those creative leaders whose art, music, poetry, or words were motivating the resistance movement.And even amid all the brutality and suffering, Brian still senses an underlying spirit that the Burmese people, that they believe they will eventually triumph. “For all the suffering and for all of the loss and trauma from the death and torture and things like that, nevertheless there is a spirit of optimism… [T]here is this kind of indomitable spring that that just doesn't seem to be able to be suppressed or repressed.”

Episode #112: Simon traces the arc of his Chin homeland’s history and politics from the mists of history to the present-day conflict.Chin State is the poorest part of Myanmar, which suffers from an lack of developed infrastructure. Due to the lack of available medical care, Simon decided the best way he could serve his community was by becoming a doctor.He explains how perhaps Chin State’s root problem now is poor access to education. There are just a small number of woefully supplied schools several days of walking away for many villagers. And those fortunate enough to attend school often carry painful memories of the oppressive “Burmanization” of the curriculum, where Chin students were required to speak the Burmese language at school, and though largely Christian, were forced to memorize and recite Buddhist suttas. Simon notes the enormous popular support for resisting the coup in Chin State after the military forcibly took power. Massive street protests erupted all over the province. Chin state also boasted the highest percentage of employees who joined CDM. The Tatmadaw responded with a swift and utter brutality that drove many Chin to ethnic camps to join the armed resistance. The Burmese military, in turn, responded with even more vicious ground attacks and airstrikes, which sent residents of entire towns fleeing on foot for their lives, many across the Indian border in Mizoram.“If we can wipe out, from the face of Myanmar, this military in the future, then all the Myanmar people will be joyful, peaceful and prosperous.”

Episode #111: Emerging from under decades of harsh censorship, local journalism and investigative reporting made great strides in Myanmar during the democratic transition in the 2010s. But all that was wiped out in a single blow when the military grabbed power. They began revoking licenses, arresting journalists, and torturing and even killing some in prison, posing a real risk to anyone trying to document the current conflict, and forcing many to go underground.This is the backdrop to the formation of the media collective Visual Rebellion, a platform for Burmese photographers, filmmakers and artists to display their work as an act of resistance against the military government. Two of the collective’s members appear as guests on this episode.Laure, a French journalist based in Bangkok, had provided media trainings in Myanmar prior to the pandemic. As the situation grew increasingly dire following the military coup, Laure reached out through her network to former participants from her trainings, and soon learned the difficulties they were operating under. This helped give rise to Visual Rebellion.Visual Rebellion team members currently reporting from Myanmar have all assumed code names for their safety, and attended cybersecurity training. Any material they are able to smuggle out of the country—often accomplished at enormous risk to their personal safety—is immediately posted and distributed by Laure and her colleagues.Next, Khant Pyae Kyaw discusses his role as a documentarian for the Visual Rebellion team. When the coup hit, Khant Pyae Kyaw was out on the streets covering the weeks of nonviolent demonstrations. But one day he witnessed the killing of his friend and other protesters, which shook him to his core. He has since faced other dangers in his reporting, including being accused of being a PDF soldier, and interrogated. Still, with the help of the resources that the Visual Rebellion team is providing, he persists in doing all he can to tell the story of what continues to happen in Myanmar.

Episode #110: Ariya Baumann’s spiritual journey began far away from the tropical surroundings of the Golden Land. She grew in a small town in Switzerland, among the snowy Alps. Raised in a Christian home, she began to ask herself existential questions about God. As she began to investigate possible answers, she came across some writings on Buddhism, and was immediately intrigued by the promise of meditation.Ariya tried on her own for a while, but wanted to take a more formal retreat, so she took off on a trip around the world. In Thailand, she joined a course at Wat Suan Mokkh, and then several Tibetan retreats in India. Two years later, she fell in love with an Australian man, and ended up following him back to his country, where she learned about an upcoming visit from Chan Myay Yeiktha Sayadaw U Janaka, a teacher in the Mahasi tradition. U Janaka encouraged Ariya to slow down her movements, so as to be able to observe every moment of mental and physical action. She found the results “stunning.” She had found her way.It was 1992, and very hard for foreigners to get visas for extended periods in Myanmar, but U Janaka managed to get her a six-month visa. She decided to ordain temporarily as a nun. But as months stretched into years, Ariya stayed in robes. She was amazed by what she experienced. “With the meditation, mindfulness, and concentration, and looking carefully, just like becoming an electronic microscope, we see more and more deeply into the true nature of this body of physical processes.”Over time, she picked up the Burmese language, which eventually led to her role as translator for Chan Myay Myaing Sayadaw U Indaka. She moved from the Yangon branch to the Hmawbi monastery, where longer meditation retreats were held, and became the foreign manager, and eventually, a teacher there. Her teaching career only grew from here. Alongside Daw Viranani and Chan Myay Myaing Sayadaw, she began offering intensive mettā retreats in English. Before COVID, the course was so popular that yogis would fly from all over the world to attend, and it was usually filled just days after registration opened.Today, Ariya is heartbroken about the current coup. “My heart is bleeding, and I'm so sad about what is happening in Myanmar right now,” she says. But as the devastation from the conflict continue to wreak havoc in the country, Ariya comes back to how much gratitude she has for the priceless spiritual lessons she learned there. “The fact that in Burma, the practice of meditation is respected and understood as something very precious. This makes Burma so special!... I find many people who have come to Burma have felt the same.”

Stephen Campbell has spent the last twelve years studying labor movements in Myanmar and other Southeast Asian countries. Going back and forth across the history of the country’s labor movement, he describes something of a convoluted legacy of the role of labor in Myanmar, leading through the transition period and into the coup.1988 was a watershed year for labor in Myanmar, according to Campbell. After being declared illegal in the 1962 coup, informal labor unions began to spring up, initiated by workers unhappy with the military regime. But when the new regime took over following the failure of the democratic revolution, many labor leaders soon found themselves behind barsSmall changes finally came under the Thein Sein administration in 2011, when workers were allowed to unionize legally. Then the following year, tripartite collective bargaining was permitted by workers. But those gains are diminished somewhat because Burmese laborers are more dependent than ever on their wages, due to large-scale military- and corporate-land grabs throughout much of the countryside, which stripped countless poor families of their homes—and for many, thus their livelihoods—without any legal recourse. And overall, working conditions remained deplorable, with low pay, long hours, and unsafe conditions.Just six days after the military took power in 2021, 4,000 factory women, mostly young women, took to the streets in downtown Yangon. Campbell says that the organizing that took place in the initial days following the coup by labor was a template for the even larger, more general strikes that followed.Campbell sees much potential in the role of labor during the current revolution. He notes that if Burmese workers can develop greater solidarity, they would have the ability to shut the country down, a power that few other groups in the country can claim. And if they were able to do that, Campbell doesn’t see how the military would be able to fill their positions with replacement workers. Yet for that to happen, workers would need substantial outside support; many are living in dire economic conditions, and some compelled to return to their factory jobs to support their families.

“You can you hear from how I speak that these days, I am very distracted and distressed by the development of the entire thing,” Han Htoo Khant Paing admits during this urgent and emotional interview.Han Htoo is the author of a recent The Diplomat article describing the four state executions that the Tatmadaw has ordered. In the context of the military’s terrible brutality and atrocities—abducting, raping, burning, and killing with impunity since the start of the coup in February, 2021—some may wonder about the significance of just four killings.  But Han Htoo believes they are very important and symbolic.Two of the condemned, Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw, are accused of the murder of a schoolteacher they believed to be a military informer. The other two are very prominent names from the democracy movement over the past few decades. One, Ko Jimmy was a student leader back in 1988 as well as being one of the key organizers of the 2007 Saffron Revolution. The other is an important Burmese hip hop artist named Zayar Thaw, who was also an elected Member of Parliament.Moving to the wider international context, Han Htoo is unsure what larger bodies could—and would—do. He focuses his comments on ASEAN (The Association of Southeast Asian Nations), Han Htoo unfortunately doubts that ASEAN will exert its influence beyond pro forma actions. He explains, “What [ASEAN member states] are really concerned about is stability, and the regional security threat,” and the executions don't really fit into that calculus directly. However, Han Htoo believes that the executions will only instigate more resentment from the resistance, which could further escalate the conflict and generate increased instability.In closing, Han Htoo urges listeners to do whatever they can in sharing his article and this interview, and writing to one’s local elected officials. He reminds us that if enough pressure is put on the Tatmadaw, it may literally save lives. “Please do anything that you can to save the lives of four champions of democracy and human rights.”

Soeya Min first got his start in the travel industry, then switched to the entertainment field. When the pandemic struck, with a lot of free time on his hands, he started learning about psychology.All these endeavors led him to podcasts, and he started up his own program, called Thoughts and Opinions, in which he talks with guests from a wide range of backgrounds. More than just looking to boost his own platform, Soeya Min is looking to helping elevate the entire local podcasting industry in Myanmar.The coup has helped him appreciate the value of psychology, which he now recognizes as critical to helping ameliorate the varying degrees of trauma that people have been going through. With a colleague, he opened his own mental health service platform, and now supports many who are in need. In Myanmar, however, this was no easy task because of the stigma carried by issues of “mental health.”Soeya Min feels that the entire country has been living through trauma since the coup, and has seen an acute rise in depression cases. Some of his recent clients have included defected soldiers, which provides a rare insight into the psychology of the Tatmadaw. Such work has required him to listen without judgment, hard as that may be, while realizing that what the soldiers really need is a type of re-parenting.Soeya Min’s understanding of psychology is influenced by his Buddhist meditation practice, and has been intrigued to realize how closely related the two actually are. While mainly self-taught as a practitioner, he has drawn on some techniques from the Mahasi tradition. These days, he has also found a focus on mettā particularly helpful, especially as a mental health professional dealing with clients who are going through terrible circumstances.As a mental health professional, Soeya Min is quite concerned with how long the Burmese people can keep going without any outside assistance. “All the Burmese people are asking for support... But when you have not received the same reaction or support [as Ukraine], people might turn cynical. That's what I'm afraid of, people get cynical and down. Then what to do?”

Like many of his Bamar colleagues, Khun Be Du and his Karenni community first attempted to resist the military coup through non-violent means. When that could no longer be sustained, he banded together with friends to form a local defense force. Today, he is playing a leading role in the Karenni Nationalities Defense Force (KNDF), while also serving as Deputy Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation for the National Unity Government (NUG).Tatmadaw incursions into Karenni state are not new. Khun Be Du recalls hearing about crackdowns following Ne Win’s 1962 coup, when they attempted to deprive ethnic forces of food, funding, intelligence, and recruits. Peace negotiations were finally achieved in the transition period, finally allowing much-needed development work to proceed.But the Tatmadaw has rekindled past horrors. They now station 3,500 soldiers in Karenni State and have strategically terrorized over 100 villages. “We have to fight it,” Khun Be Du says simply. He estimates that for every local fighter killed, the Burmese military loses 30 men. In the face of such untenable losses, the Tatmadaw has taken a different tack, using tanks, mortar and artillery fire against vulnerable populations, and targeting schools, hospitals, IDP camps and other civilian centers.Perhaps the Tatmadaw’s worst evil came on an otherwise holy date for the largely Christian Karenni: December 24th, 2021. Soldiers stopped vehicles and gathered passengers into a group, stole their valuables and then proceeded to torture and kill them, then burning the bodies.Given that the atrocities being perpetuated on a daily basis in Karenni state are equally as bad as the current Russian aggression in Ukraine, Khun Be Du is frustrated that the plight of his people isn’t gathering more international attention and support. He ponders, “I wonder how much we have to die so that the international community will take action.”

The days turned dark in March 2020 when the Burmese military began attacking and killing nonviolent protesters. Soon after the crackdown, activists still courageous enough to take to the streets began holding signs that read: “We Need R2P.” R2P, or the Responsibility to Protect, is an international norm that the UN unanimously adopted in 2005, which purports to protect populations around the world from atrocity crimes, such as ethnic cleansing. However, R2P is not a legal doctrine, and so it can only be enforced when there is the political will to do so, and Scott feels it is most certainly needed now in Myanmar. But the international community has yet to act.This inaction has caused frustration among Burmese activists who have been calling for R2P for over a year now. Our guest today, Liam Scott, believes that criticism should not be directed at the R2P doctrine itself, but rather at those international bodies who refuse to respond.Scott thinks that the NUG has certainly “been specific in what particular tools of R2P they want the international community to employ, like with arms embargoes, with sanctions on oil and gas, and with depriving the military of the legitimacy that it craves on the international stage.” He also suggests taking a more nuanced view of R2P is more realistic as well as optimistic, where “boots on the ground intervention” is the only sign of effectiveness. He hopes that there can be a string of smaller successes that gradually develop into something larger. Still, Scott confesses he simply doesn’t know what more beyond the horrible things the Tatmadaw are already doing that would push international organizations to action. And he certainly wishes something would be done. Scott points to the fact that the Burmese military has never been successfully prosecuted for any past crimes, and suggests this is one reason why they are acting now with such impunity. He admits that the wheels of justice move slowly… though perhaps far too slowly for those victims still being persecuted. “I completely recognize and empathize with the fact that so many of these questions are coming from a place of pure desperation and frustration with an international community that has done so little in response,” Scott concludes.

The Myanmar military’s violent response to the democracy movement has caused angst among many devout Burmese Buddhists about how to defend themselves and their fundamental freedoms, while remaining true to their religion. Many are faced with that line where the cold edge of sila (ethics) melts along the warm edge of lived experience. Is sila black-and-white, or might there be more shades of grey? Bhikkhu Bodhi helps unpack this moral quandary in this follow-up discussion to our interview last year.Bhikkhu Bodhi acknowledges that the farther one’s own reality is from needing to make terrible, life-or-death choices, the easier it probably is to take an absolutist perspective on observing sila. However, those situations now unfortunately symbolize the “real reality” that the people of Myanmar face on a daily basis. What is compassionate guidance for those who do face such kinds of choices, who do have to act to save loved ones from the indiscriminate, murderous violence of the Tatmadaw, and restore basic safety and freedoms to their country? Bhikkhu Bodhi establishes two related frames of reference within which we can make reasonable choices. The first is to know the intent of our mind. It is not the action itself, but the intention that matters from a karmic perspective, and we should never kill out of hate. The second is to be sure of the reasons behind our actions. If we are not motivated by hatred of the enemy, but feel there is no other choice in order to save the lives of innocent people, it’s the very best we can do. Bhikkhu Bodhi also stresses that in the suttas, the Buddha is never depicted as being faced with these kinds of moral dilemmas. And he reminds us that this is the complex, modern, 21st century world we live in, not the 5th century BCE. So he says that the appropriate teaching around these issues is perhaps not so “obvious.”